Paul started our discussion
with some data. We had talked about the Norrander proposition on when the last
challenger the last two sessions. The
two measures of that are most predictive are the percentage of delegates that
separate the frontrunner and the lead challenger (the trigger is 33%) and the
gain/ deficit ratio (gain in a week divided by the number of delegates the
winner needs to clinch the nomination). Justin Pinkerman has been collecting
data since the beginning of the year. As of March 13, Romney led Santorum by
22% in pledged delegates and 19.5% in unofficial delegates. On Super Tuesday
Romney had a 27.8% gain/ deficit ratio in pledged delegates and 35.5% (close to
the threshold) for unofficial delegates. Although there are different delegate
counts, these data suggest that Romney is coming close to wrapping up the
nomination.
It was pointed out that
Santorum would need almost 70% of the remaining delegates to get the nomination
and that Romney needs from 45-50% of them. This discussion assumed that there
would not be a major collapse or scandal for Romney. While such a situation is
not impossible, we concluded that Romney is sufficiently clean and unexciting
that he is unlikely to have any late surprise.
We concluded that the Puerto
Rico and Illinois primaries were both a boost for Romney and a major setback
for Santorum. If there is such a thing as momentum in this campaign, Romney has
it, but this has not been a momentum contest. When Romney wins, he stresses his
inevitability and pivots to attacking Obama. Then Santorum wins and steps on
his economic message by discussing social issues. Santorum was particularly
ineffective in these last two contests, but he has a chance to come back in
Louisiana on Saturday and Wisconsin on April 3. A loss in either one will be
devastating for him.
We moved to Gingrich and
questioned whether he was still relevant. Our general conclusion is that he is
fading fast. He may gain some delegates in Louisiana, but prospects are poor in
other states on the calendar. There are two schools of thought on his effect on
the race. Some say he is helping Romney by preventing a one-on-one race with
Santorum. Others indicate that Santorum’s only chance is to prevent Romney from
getting to 1144 with a swing to him at the convention. If Gingrich keeps
fading, he becomes irrelevant unless he is keeping Santorum from reaching
thresholds at the state or district level in proportional primaries. The
question becomes if Romney fails to clinch the necessary delegates before the
convention will it turn to Santorum. It would seem unlikely if Romney has a
clear advantage in delegates, popular votes in this year’s contests, total
number of states won and number of swing states won.
We then turned to process and
how the delegates were being selected. Santorum may do better than currently
projected, but it probably will not be that meaningful for the nomination. The
proportional distribution of delegates has been blamed for extending the
season, but one person’s rough calculation of winner-take-all states suggest
that the race would be closer than with the proportional distribution. Another factor is the Citizen’s United
decision that has permitted Gingrich and Santorum to stay in the race longer
than they probably would have otherwise. Citizen’s United permits super PACs to
pay for advertise, but they still need day-to-day operating money. Gingrich may
be very low in operating funds as he doesn’t seem to be travelling to states in
play.
Despite his third-place finish
in Illinois, Ron Paul is not doing as well as many expected. He may have been
handicapped by Spring Break at the University of Alabama last week and the
University of Illinois this week. A discussion followed about how long current
students would stick with the Pauls (Ron and Rand). Some of us thought that a
gradual accumulation of students over time would come around to their view
while others say that politics tend to change as students transition to the
real world. Libertarian views combining fiscal conservatism, social liberalism
and pacifism may be a hard sell, but a centrist party with the fiscal
conservatism and social liberalism might be successful in the long run.
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